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Additional resources for Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales
The unmapped linguistic profile is LP 1364 from Carmarthen. See also “Key Map 2,” 2: 384. 38. R. Ian Jack, “Welsh and English in the Medieval Lordship of Ruthin,” Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions 18 (1969): 23–49. 39. Marx, English Chronicle, li–lv. 40. Humphrey Llwyd, Cronica Walliae, ed. Ieuan M. Williams (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2002). 41. Matheson, Prose Brut, xxxiii–vi. 42. The importance of this legislation and Llwyd’s role in securing its passage through Parliament are referred to a number of times in Jenkins, Welsh Language before the Industrial Revolution; see Jenkins, Suggett, and White, “Welsh Language in Early Modern Wales,” at 81–83, Peter R.
What had escaped the notice of English scholars, but not Welsh scholars, is that the first eleven folios contain a significant portion of a distinct Middle English translation also of the Elucidarius. The hand is not that of Hugh Evans, but is late fifteenth century. The Elucidarius is a problematic text for Middle English writing, for although it appears in such a large number of witnesses in most European languages, it survives in very small numbers in English: one twelfth-century manuscript of fragments, a late fourteenth- or early fifteenth-century translation found in two manuscripts, and two printings by Wynkyn de Worde translated from French.
In the medieval period, these forgettings and errors had become crystallized into a consensus of accepted, albeit contradictory, propositions, significantly derived and certainly sustained by the texts of three of the most talented and inf luential mythmakers of the medieval period—Gildas, Bede, and Geoffrey of Monmouth. The four central elements of this consensus might be classified as the discourse of Britishness, the discourse of authority, the discourse of peripherality, and the discourse of unequal value.